"A Government of Our Own — The Making of the Confederacy" (1997) by William C. Davis:
"Debate over whether Montgomery should be the permanent capital commenced, in fact, from the very time the delegates first gathered there back in February. Advocates suggested a host of cities, starting with Tuscaloosa in March. Thereafter, Atlanta; Huntsville; Selma; Pendleton, South Carolina; Nashville; Memphis; Spring Hill, Alabama; and even Alexandria, Virginia, right within sight of Washington, found their advocates. A host of arguments bolstered their claims. The capital should be out of the high heat and yellow fever district. It should be no more than a day from the seacoast, have excellent rail and telegraphic communications, and at least some stature and society of its own to support the national headquarters. Montgomery met some of these conditions, but not others. The secession of Virginia, however, completely threw all considerations out of balance. While Richmond had been mentioned occasionally as likely earlier, now it rapidly came to be the only spot discussed. It was all because of the war."
Davis writes about a dinner between Jeff. Davis and Thomas Cobb on May 16, 1861:
"Over that dinner, Davis and Cobb inevitably talked about Virginia, Richmond, and moving the capital. For all of Montgomery's exemplary efforts in behalf od the cause, there no longer remained a logic for keeping the capital there. Even if Davis did not take the field himself, still Virginia would be the scene of the crisis, and to react quickly, the government needed to be there, both to direct events and to serve as spiritual support for the Virginians who would bear the brunt of campaigning."
"...As yet, only Congress faced a move. The expectation that the armies would fight in Virginia, and that Davis would likely command in person, suggested therefore that Congress ought to be close to the President. Te rest of the government, however, need not necessarily leave Montgomery. They referred the measure to the judiciary committee."
"...Judiciary returned the resolution May 15, reporting that it found no legal obstacles to moving the Congress. That done, the measure passed and went to Davis. Two days later he took many of them by surprise when he returned it with his second veto. The bill did not go far enough, he said, and he was quite right. It was foolishness to move the executive and the Congress to one place, while leaving the rest of the government in another."
"...After the delegates left the hall for the day, Montgomery hummed with rumors of the veto, of the desperate measures being taken by some to relocate the capital, and of the advancing prospects of some other cities. Huntsville looked promising again, and now Nashville offered itself, as well as Opelika, Alabama."
"...The debate lasted for hours. First they addressed one more a resolution simply reconvening Congress in Richmond, and it failed, not a single state voting in favor. Then they went to (Charles M.) Conrad's resoluton covering the entire government, and another one similar, and after amendment reduced them to a single bill specifying that they would adjourn on Tuesday, May 21, reconvene in Richmond on July 20, and that the entire government should move with them."
"That was it, the best they could do, and if it failed, the issue was dead, at least for this session. Louisiana demanded the yeas and nays, and when the vote ended Arkansas, Georgia, Texas and Virginia agreed, while Alabama, Florida, Mississippi and South Carolina did not. Louisiana, with the deciding vote, split, and thereby cast no vote. With no majority, the bill died. They went on to other business, but during the next half hour or so two things happened. Many of the members were absent, some having already left for home without waiting for adjournment. Only Alabama, Texas and Virginia had full delegations in the hall. Friends started applying pressure to (George) Ward, the new member from Florida, who thus far had voted with (James B.) Owens to decide their state against the single voice of (Jackson C.) Morton. And noble old (Alexandre) DeClouet, late arriving, now entered the hall, or someone hurriedly went to find him. Then South Carolina, at the insistence of (Porcher) Miles, who, strangely enough, was not voting, called for reconsideration of the balloting. The yeas and nays rang out again. Ward changed his vote to an affirmative, and DeClouet ended the division in Louisiana by making its ballot three to two in favor. The resolution passed, six states to three. The voice vote stood much closer, though — only 24 to 20. It was done, The resolution went directly to the President, and the next day he returned it with his signature."
Its a game and in games anything can happen, Richmond as the 2nd highest pop center of the CSA in 61 will treble its pop base after becomming the capital and by 64 be producing over half of the CSA mility warmaking requirements, CSA no longer required imports to field armies but could not sustain them food wise, the game allows that military munition resource base to be created in many areas simply by purchasing the capacity, in real life its more complicated and requires a long lead tim eto put into effect rather than get it instntly as inthe game.
If it was a simulation then you would have less options for where munition production etc can be produced, and a more certain outcome to not only where the production base can be built,but the outcome itself much more predictable.Either way once Richmondd is the capital and VA is the main theatre, any relocation should have a massive negative to the CSA morale and warfighting capacity after its been established for any length of time.