Stauffenberg wrote:Keeler, I'll attempt to clarify a few things that your very thoughtful response requires.
This is very true and I had not meant to equate the two in that way. No one
would suggest that Lincoln and his High Command sought to indisciminately kill
southern civilians in that manner. That said, however, both do amount to the
same thing in terms of overall aim: destroy civilian infrastructure, terrorize
the inhabitants, and create refugees.
I hear your clarification, but I would argue there they are not the essentially the same. In certain cases the results were similar, but the methods were different. During the Civil War official policies which authorized or condoned military actions against civilians were limited to property destruction; indiscriminate killing, even when justified as collateral damage, was not acceptable. Even in the case of the disgraceful, evil event known as the the Sand Creek Massacre there were repercussions (though far, far too light) for the perpetrators- who it might be pointed, were not acting with approval from the government. Granted some of those official policies created situations in which civilian populations suffered immensely, and were responsible for civilian deaths, and that the suffering was calculated. However, as much as we like to think of the Civil War as the first "Total War" it was not. The practice of uprooting, or enslaving, or butchering, or otherwise mistreating civilian populations to break a people's will to fight is as old as humanity itself. The Civil War is unique because it occurred at time when Western warfare was becoming mechanized, with civil society's role in warfare- whether supporting the war effort or being or being caught up in it- becoming mechanized as well. During the Civil War the scale of civil disruption and displacement reflected these changes, and therefore they were extensive. But in the end the policies which condoned destruction of civilian infrastructure and property were limited in scope. I could go on, but rather than risk rambling I'll suggest anyone interested read this
article at the Civil War Trust about Sherman's March to the Sea.
Stauffenberg wrote:That's fine, and the logic of implementing it is sound to some degree... if
you consider the wholesale scorched earth assault on civilians to be an
acceptable tactic in a war waged upon your own people. I do not, but countries
in extremis must make their own choices.
I am not out to paint the major personalities of that war in black and white
terms (except perhaps Sheridan). Both Sherman and Grant went at war in a very
workmanlike manner and are not to be faulted for that for the most part.
Lincoln, who ordered the direct assault on civilian properties on a huge
scale, is another matter.
Sherman's Georgia and Carolina Campaigns, which I think we can all agree were the largest actions taken against civilians during the Civil War, were Sherman's ideas. He had to convince Grant, who presumably had to obtain Lincoln's approval. The same is true concerning Sheridan and the Shenandoah. So it doesn't make sense to absolve Sherman and Grant and criticize Lincoln. Lincoln's administration did or condoned many actions of questionable legality- the suspension of habeas corpus, the seating of pro-Union leaders and legislatures in border states, the seizure of personal assets- but there is little evidence he personally created or directed the policies which targeted civilians. If you have any evidence of that, I would be interested in seeing it. As President, Lincoln is ultimately responsible for the implementation of such policies, but there is a difference between adopting policies which evolve out of the context of war and provoking a war to implement pre-determined policies, as you appear to be arguing.
Stauffenberg wrote:Yes he did rhetorically as he knew perfectly well the issue of blame was
acute in the impending hostilities. But I think it buys too much into the
Lincoln legend to surmise that he did not personally feel and believe that only a war
of conquest would bring the southern states back, and was waiting for the
hotheads in Charleston, with Sumter as the perfect bait, to start it. They
obligingly took this and Lincoln had his war.
I have never come across anything that suggests Lincoln believed the only option was a war of conquest. On the contrary, he believed the vast majority of the Southern population opposed secession and that a general war was avoidable. However, he also felt he had to uphold the sovereignty of the United States. The situation in Charlesston was not created by Lincoln; he inherited it. It was not under Lincoln, but his predecessor James Buchanan, during which the status quo in Charleston Harbor was established. In fact, Charleston batteries fired on the Star of the West as it approached Sumter with supplies on January 9, two months before Lincoln took office.
In early April Lincoln learned Sumter was running out of supplies. He thus faced the choice of either allowing the fort to surrender, which would be a de facto recognition of the Confederacy, or attempting to supply it, which might provoke a war. What sometimes gets lost in discussing this period is that the Confederates also faced a choice: allow the fort to be resupplied, which would have maintained the status quo but underminded their sovereignty, or block the resupply, which might provoke a war. Under these circumstances, it's hardly fair to call it Lincoln's war. There are far more reasonable actions to criticize him for.
Stauffenberg wrote:Yes, as I said he was careful to appear the non-aggressor, precisely because
the ongoing "battle for hearts & minds" was acute in the border states and
others that had not seceded as you note. However, what you call a "mistake" in
calling for volunteers I would submit clearly indicates his intentions--an
armed invasion to put down the rebellion. Note Governor Letcher of Virginia's
response to Cameron, U.S. Secretary of War that he supply troops for this
purpose, sent April 17th, 1861. He nails it on the head:
[INDENT]In reply to this communication, I have only to say that the militia of
Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or
purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern States,
and a requisition made upon me for such an object -- an object, in my
judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the act of 1795 --
will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war,
and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the Administration has
exhibited towards the South. Respectfully, [/INDENT]
[my emphasis]
Letcher's letter reflects his interpretation of Lincoln's actions, not Lincoln's own motivations. The act Letcher refers to is the Militia Act of 1795, which Lincoln used to call up the the 75,000 volunteers. The proclamation he issued read as follows:
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:
A PROCLAMATION
WHEREAS the laws of the United States have been, for some time past, and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law.
Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.
The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department.
I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs already long enough endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event, the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country.
And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within twenty days from this date.
Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursdays the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.
By the President:ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Secretary of State WILLIAM H. SEWARD
(Emphasis Added)
Lincoln's call for volunteers was not intended as a large-scale invasion of the South. Rather, it had the limited goal of repossessing the government property already seized by the Southern states- which incidentally, would have gone a long way to your proposal of blockading the South. It also gave the Southern states 20 more days to back down. Now I realize that both sides realized that this was another step towards a general war, but it argues against Lincoln, or anyone with any authority in his administration, already planning, or even anticipating, a large scale invasion and occupation at this point in time.
Stauffenberg wrote:But this stands the situation on it's head. The Washington government no
longer was "representative" for almost the entire South, that's the point. I
disagree that Lincoln did not have other options.
The point is disputable. In many states articles of secession passed by narrow margins, and geographical regions such as Appalachia were opposed to secession. In any event the issue of secession was not determined by popular vote, but rather by delegates at special conventions. The Lincoln administration had some right to claim it represented the interests of the large anti-secessionist population living in the South, especially when it considered the state secession conventions as illegitimate. Whether he was right or wrong, Lincoln perception's was that a) the secessionist represented a minority of Southerns and b) their actions were un-Constitutional. Whether they were right or wrong, the secessionists believed exactly the opposite. Given the divergence between these two positions, there was little room for political maneuvering.
Stauffenberg wrote:Many thoughtful points and I very much appreciate it. I would simply rephrase
your last rhetorical questions: What possible initiatives were available in
1860 and '61 to avoid the war entirely? Possibilities that Lincoln did not
wish to entertain? Slavery was going the way of the dodo. The South had their
temper tantrum and just wanted to be left alone. A slow phasing out of the
slave-based Southern economy, combined with economic incentives, and above-all
a federal level set of negotiations between the US and CSA with a view towards
eventual reuinion was one option. There were others I am sure, that might
have had the same chance to avoid the historical bloodbath that ensued.
Well, what possibilities do you see? Personally, I don't believe there were any. I do not take the view that slavery was close to ending. It was certainly evolving, but as I pointed out earlier the plantation system, despite being destroyed by the war, was reconstituted after it as the share-cropping system. Now share-cropping was different from slavery to be sure, but at their cores both systems constituted a socio-economic hierarchy in which black Americans were not equal partners of society. Even if slavery ended gradually without war, a similar system would have replaced it. This is important because the Southern conception of liberty and freedom was rooted in
hierarchy, and conflicted with how other groups of Americans thought of liberty and freedom. Therefore, I don't believe that a military conflict was avoidable. There were major, I would argue existential, philosophical and ideological causes of the Civil War, which were both rooted in and manifested by slavery- but which would have existed regardless of whether slavery itself was an issue of controversy.
I also don't think the South was having a tantrum. This I believe, was also Lincoln's mistake. Secessionists were earnest in their desire for independence, and while some actions by the Lincoln administration hardened their resolve, I think their minds were pretty determined before he was even elected. Remember, at least a generation had been exposed to radical rhetoric from all camps. That's not to say that secession might have failed without war, but at what cost? The precedent for seceding would have been set. The rule of law would have been undermined, and there was a distinct fear of "Balkanization" and all the bloodshed and chaos that term has come to symbolize. The experiences of Kansas, Missouri, and other border areas suggest that fear was not unwarranted. And then there are the international concerns. What would prevent a state from seceding in the middle of a future war? As we saw, European powers were not shy about taking advantage of a weakened US to seize power in the Western Hemisphere. If France had been successful in Mexico, would they have looked to the American West, which had only been taken Mexico 20 years earlier? What would have prevented Great Britain from returning to the issue of the Pacific Northwest? I am not saying these concerns justify the bloodshed of the Civil War, but they are important things to consider when looking at the decisions made in the winter of 1860-61.
I recommend reading the Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914. It is an exhausting, almost day-by-day chronicle of how the leaders of Europe made the decision to plunge into WWI. It might be dry for some, and is not relevant to the Civil War, but the author's approach and the questions he asks/attempts to answer could be redirected to examine how Americans found themselves facing each other in Charleston Harbor in 1861.
"Thank God. I thought it was a New York Regiment."- Unknown Confederate major, upon learning he had surrendered to the 6th Wisconsin.